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Border Control Agreement

Countries have repeatedly extended controls on the basis of national authorities, referring to « the security situation in Europe and threats related to major secondary movements. » France has never received a recommendation from the Council to reintroduce border controls, but has maintained them permanently, citing a « persistent terrorist threat ». Interior Minister Maria Ohisalo said: « The aim of this agreement is to enable Frontex to coordinate operational cooperation between EU Member States and Montenegro in the management of the borders that the European Union and Montenegro have in common. » The Member State informs the Commission and the other Member States at least four weeks before the reintroduction of border controls. An exception is made when the circumstances leading to the reintroduction of border controls are known less than four weeks before the planned reintroduction. For more information, see the press release IP/16/1723: Back to Schengen: The Council adopts a Commission proposal on the next steps in the abolition of temporary internal border controls. Since 2015, a number of measures have been implemented to strengthen the EU`s external borders: the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, also known as Frontex, was created in 2016, the bloc signed a refugee agreement with Turkey in 2016 to relieve Greece, and smarter information systems and other mechanisms to strengthen and support the Schengen perimeter were put in place. Mau, S., Brabandt, H., Laube, L., Roos, C. (2012). Liberal states and free movement. selective borders, uneven mobility.

Houndmills as Palgrave Macmillan. « From 2015 to 2017, there was a legal reason for these controls, » Pascouau said, « but since then they have been unfounded. » Laube, L. (2013). Border controls beyond national territories. The management of global mobility by liberal states [Extraterritorial Border Controls: How Liberal States Regulate Global Mobility]. Frankfurt: Verlag Campus. However, the short-term visa and readmission policy aims to ensure time limits on migration and mobility (Cassarino, 2014). For this reason, the broader concept of « border migration and diplomacy, » as proposed by both Duygu and `St-bici` (2014, p. 44), has proved useful.

In addition, this approach allows us to pay adequate attention to the often unpredictable progress of bilateral negotiations. Taking into account the active role of the third country ensures a more balanced approach to the study of outsourcing policy. This will avoid the tendency to focus exclusively on the externalizing part of this political process, which is somehow inscribed in this research perspective.

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